Translate
Saturday 6 July 2013
Sunday 16 June 2013
Last Tutorial
This movie shows the day we had the last tutorial which was taken by Àfáà Qasim at The Lagoon Front, University of Lagos, Nigeria. Although the tutorial ended abruptly yet, it was surely a memorial one.
http://youtu.be/yWniwd4bDA4
Wednesday 17 April 2013
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF STANDARD
YORÙBÁ AND ÀKÚRẸ́ YORÙBÁ ON PHONOLOGICAL, LEXICAL AND SYNTACTIC
STRUCTURES
Fadairo, Opeyemi Yusuf
Linguistics, African and Asian Studies
Department University of Lagos.
08066095215.
fadairoyusuf@yahoo.com
Abstract
This study discusses
the attestation of the phonological, lexical and syntactic structures in
Standard Yoruba (SY) and Akure dialect of Yoruba (AY). A look is cast into the
areas of convergence and divergence as regards the mentioned structures in the
two forms of language. This will be dealt with critically, as many scholars (Fresco,
1970), (Przezdziecki, 2005), (Baiyere, 2004) just to mention a few, who have written
on the comparative study of SY and retinue of other Yoruba dialects have not
really delved into this aspect or have dealt with it by a scratch at the
surface.
Keywords:
Standard Yoruba, Akure Yoruba, phonological, lexical and syntactic structures.
Introduction
This study has two
major parts. The first focuses on introduction which gives a general background
to all the issues raised in the work and how they are slated for resolution.
The second part discusses the phonological process, lexical items/structure and
their syntactic domains as they interact between SY and AY. The
behavioral stance of these linguistic elements is the major drive behind this
study. It is therefore highly imperative to mention here that all our claims
here are subject to empirical proofs and counter-proofs by scholars who may see
things differently from us.
The
Standard Yoruba and Akure Dialect
In general appraisal, Yoruba
language is one of the three prominent languages spoken in Nigeria. It belongs
to the Niger-Congo family of African languages. It is spoken according to
Oyetade (2011) by thirty million people in Nigeria as a first language and the
number increases by two hundred thousand if the people speaking it as a second
language are added.
The standard Yoruba
which is a form of the language that is mutually intelligible to all the
speakers of Yoruba is a type which is believed to have been formed or developed
from all other dialects put together. It is just that it has a very close
affinity with Oyo dialect of Yoruba than it has with others.
The duties ascribed to
the standard Yoruba well defines the status with it is accorded. These duties are
legislation, media, writing and pedagogy (Yusuff, 2013). In reference to this
Przezdziecki (2005) has argued that:
…each
dialect is a language in its own right, a system with all the linguistic
attributes of a language. Linguistically, there is nothing inherent to these
systems that makes one a language and the others dialects of that language.
However, politically, a dialect is considered a language by virtue of its
status in politics and society. For this reason, Standard Yoruba is referred to
as a language by virtue of its status in Yoruba society.
The
status mentioned here points to the duties listed earlier. On the other hand, Akure
is one of the retinue of dialects of Yoruba which according to Adetugbo (1967),
Adeniyi (2005) etc. is characterized as Central Yoruba. Adeniyi (2005) further
states the towns covered by the dialect as follows: Àkúrẹ́, Ijù,
Ìta-Ògbólú, Ìjàrẹ́, Ìgbátòrò, Ọ̀bà-ilé, Ùṣò, Ìlárámọ̀kín,
Òdá etc. The phonological comparison of these two variants of language i.e.
AY and SY is discussed under the following sub-headings.
Vowel
Harmony System (VHS)
One of the significant
restrictions imposed on vowel combinations by many languages of the world is
VHS (Ladefoged 1975:202). Yoruba VHS functions under Advance Tongue Root [ATR]
system which groups the vowels into two different sets namely: advanced [+ATR]
and retracted [-ATR]. In reference to the as created by Steward, J.M, Przezdziecki
(2005) defined the [ATR] as being created to:
Describe a distinguishing feature
of sets of vowels, mostly in languages of West Africa, exhibiting certain vowel
co-occurrence partterns. It has two sets of vowels: one set [+ATR] is
characterized articulatorily by a wide pharyngeal volume, and the other set
[-ATR] by a narrow pharyngeal volume. In these languages, vowels within a
certain domain generally come from either the [+ATR] set or [-ATR] set.
The pattern in SY involves the
spreading of [-ATR] from both mid and low vowels which gives us [a, ẹ, ọ] then,
that of [+ATR] between mid and high vowels that gives us [I, u, e, o]
(Archangeli and Pulleyblank, 1994).
I want to claim in this
study that AY exhibits VHS in many ways very different from SY. To substantiate
this claim, the harmonic vowel occurrence in phonologically conditioned
environment in AY is elicited in the data below.
·
Harmony
spreading: VHS across word boundary (Przezdziecki 2005)
SY AY SY AY
(1) ó lɔ ɔ́ lɔ (2)
ó pɛ́ ɔ pɛ́
3sg went 3sg went 3sg take long 3sg take long
He/she went He/she went it took long it took a long
(3) ó tó ó tó (4)
ó pé ó
pé
3sg enough 3sg enough 3sg complete 3sg complete
It is enough It is enough it is complete
it is complete
·
Strict VHS adherence in AY
mono-morphemic, non-onomatopoeic[1]
tri-syllabic nouns.
(5) SY AY
èlùbɔ́ ɛlùbɔ́ ‘a kind of food’
orúkɔ ɔrúkɔ ‘name’
erùpɛ̀ ɛrùpɛ̀ ‘sand’
òtítɔ́ ɔtítɔ́ ‘truth’
It is shown in (5) that
unlike in SY where there is no ATR agreement in the form of words presented
above, AY strictly agrees in ATR all through the syllables of the words.
Deletion vs. Assimilation
It is generally
believed that phonological rules apply in ordered form. As such, deletion
usually comes before assimilation. Where deletion cannot take place, then
assimilation becomes obligatory (Akinlabi
A. O, F.O Oyebade 1986). I want to propose here that AY
prioritizes deletion while assimilation becomes optional. This means
assimilation can only take place in few cases when deletion fails to function.
(6)
Natural
Form
|
AY
Deletion
|
SY
Assimilation
|
Gloss
|
Àkíké
|
Àíké
|
Àáké
|
Axe
|
Èdídú
|
Èídú
|
Èédú
|
Charcoal
|
Èrírí
|
Èírí
|
Èérí
|
Dirt
|
òtítɔ́
|
òítɔ́
|
òótɔ́
|
Truth
|
The phonological
process of assimilation that led to these words under SY as described by
Owolabi (2004) is shown below:
(7) Erírú – noun (underlying representation)[2]
Eírú – C deletion (surface representation
in AY)
Eérú – assimilation (surface representation
SY)
It
can be inferred from the three-level rule application above how the difference
in the choice of phonological processes came about between SY and AY. Whereas
the former completes the level, the latter stops on the second and thus making
the outcome the surface representation. It appears that apart from a specific
reason like negation, SY does not feature the co-occurrence of different vowels
like AY, i.e. a kind that is void of an intervocalic consonant. In which case,
it is possible to have words like: àìsùn
(without sleeping), àìjẹ (without
eating), àìwá (without coming) etc
in SY. Apart from this, no other environment can different vowels possibly
feature in the like manner. This is different in AY because of the presence of
the examples under AY in (6).
The
n and l Alternation
These two consonants
have been described by Awobuluyi (1978:149) as two sides of the same coin. This
implies that where one is found, the other does not occur. There are two basic generative
rules written for /n/ and /l/ alternation in SY. These rules are as follows:
(8) R1: n → l/ + syllable
(b) R2: l → n / +syllable
+nasal -nasal
I want to claim here
that these rules are vacuous in AY as /n/ is not permissible in all the areas
postulated by Awobulyi as discussed by Ajiboye (1991), for the choice of /n/ as
the phoneme. This is shown in the data below:
(9)
Positions
|
SY
|
AY
|
Gloss
|
Noun formed from the
prefix ‘oní’
|
onĩʃu
onĩlá
|
olíʃu
ɔlílá
|
yam seller
okra seller
|
VP ‘ni’ and
‘ní’
|
ni mo sɔ
ní owó
|
li mɔ fɔ̀
lí eó
|
is 1sg say
have money
|
PP ‘ní’
|
ní ilé
|
lí ulé
|
at home
|
The above data has been
able to establish the fact that the phonological process of /n/ and /l/
alternation does not obtain in the dialect. The reason as shown in the data is
because /l/ becomes the choice in AY in all cases where /n/ is chosen to
alternate /l/ in SY.
LEXICAL STRUCTURE
The
lexical structure of AY is not too different from what we have in SY. All the
classes of words are well attested in both variants of language and they are
also patterned the same way. However, there are cases of different structure of
individual words in both variants. In AY, we usually have /u/ representing /i/ or
vice-versa in the initial position of some words. In his take about this,
Bamgbose (1984) says that:
The case for recognizing in a
contraction more than one variant of the same word which differ only in their
initial vowel rest (example of which is) the widespread alternation between the
vowels i and u which occurs among the dialect Yoruba, and Standard Yoruba.
(Epenthesis mine)
This
is exactly what happens in AY, a bunk of i-initial SY word becomes u-initial in
AY. Examples of words that operate within this scope are:
(10)
SY AY
Iṣu uṣu
Itan utan
Iná uná
Ilé ulé
Ilú ulú
Ilù ùlù
It
is important to bear in mind here that this alternation has nothing to do with
the meanings of the lexical items. As seen in the above data, the alternation
might have been conditioned by the kind of the harmonic feature that operates
in the dialect.
More
so, some lexical items appear without some consonants in AY while in SY they
are retained. It is difficult to categorically state the reason behind the
consonant loss in those words because even in slow and emphatic speeches, the
consonants are still not present. The most widespread of this is the loss of w in the following words:
(11) SY AY
owó eó
wá á
àwọ̀
àọ̀
ẹ̀wọ̀n ẹ̀ọ̀n
màrìwò mọ̀rìò (c.f Ajiboye 1991)
Once
again, the loss of consonant w in
these words does not affect their meanings. Ajiboye (1999) attested to the fact
that it is going to be cumbersome to get a principle that accounts for the loss
in these forms of words because they do not follow a specific pattern.
SYNTATIC STRUCTURE
The
discussion about the sentence structure of both variants of language (i.e. SY
and AY) here will feature some components like focus construction and negation.
Since the scope of syntax concerning the number of components it has is very
wide, I have decided to center my focus on these two while the rest is left for
further studies.
Focus Construction
By
focus, we mean a way of rendering a constituent emphatic in a sentence. According
to Arokoyo (2008), focus is defined as having:
….to
do with new information and it indicates where the new information lies and the
unit carrying the information.
In both SY and AY, the
focused constituent is moved to the initial position of the sentence and ni, a focus marker is introduced in
front of the focused constituent. This according to Jones (2006) is represented below:
(12)
[XP]F ni […..]
The
(12) above is a typical structure obtainable from focus marking where [XP]
represents the focused element that is moved in its former position somewhere
in between [….] as described above by Jones (2006). Taking (13) as the
underlining representation, the patterning of focus construction in both variants
of language is brought to light in (14).
(13) SY
AY
Adé
ra ìwé Adé ra ùwé
Ade buy book Ade buy book
Ade bought a book Ade
bought a book
(14) SY
AY
Adé ni ó ra iwé Adé lí[3] Ø ra
ùwé
Adé
FOC 3sg buy book Adé
FOC 3sg buy book
[Ade]F bought a/the
book [Ade]F
bought a/the book
Whereas
in SY, as we have in (14), whenever the subject is focused, the third person
singular resumptive pronoun ó is
obligatory in the extraction site (Jones 2006 and Ajiboye 2006), this is not so
in AY as the position of the resumptive pronoun becomes null.
The
object (of the verb) can also be focused in both language variants. This is
described below:
(15) SY
AY
Ìwé ni Adé rà
Ùwé la Adé rà
Book FOC Adé buy Book FOC Adé buy
It was [a book]F Adé
bought It was [a book]F Adé bought
In
(15), the only difference that exists is due to the phonological process of
assimilation that happened between the focus marker and the passive object of
the sentence in AY. Lastly, the way verbs and verb phrase are focused in SY are
exactly the same with what obtains in AY. The monosyllabic verb will be changed
into a gerundive reduplicated form before it is focused. In both variants, a
copy of the focused verb remains in-situ. This is shown in the examples below:
(16) SY
AY
Rírà ni Adé ra ìwé
Rírà li Adé ra ùwé
Buying FOC Ade buy book Buying
FOC Ade buy book
Ade bought a/the book Ade
bought a/the book
(17) SY AY
Ríra
ìwé ni Adé ra ìwé
Ríra ìwé ni Adé ra ìwé
Buying book FOC Ade buy book Buying book FOC Ade buy book
Ade bought a/the book Ade
bought a/the book
From
the examples above, it is obvious that focusing V and VP in both SY and AY are
the same in this part.
Negation
This
is a formation that opposes or contradicts the semantic representation of a
constituent. It is a construction in grammatical and semantic that typically
exposes the contradiction of some or all the sentence meaning. In his
explanation of the meaning ascribable to negativity in sentences, Yusuff
(2008:135) opines that:
...it
is correct to say that negative is used largely to deny supposed belief of the
hearer in the context where the corresponding affirmative has been assumed
rather than to impart new information in the context of the hearer’s ignorance.
This
serves as the basic mode behind the formation of negative sentences in all
natural languages which does not sidestep SY and AY.
Olumuyiwa
(2012) agrees with many other scholars that we have two basic types of negation
in Yoruba which are constituent negation and sentence negation. The constituent
negation happens when a part of the sentence is negated while the whole
sentence is negated whenever we have sentence negation. This work has the
latter type under its view.
In
Yusuff (2006:40) description of what makes a sentence negative, he pointed out
some elements he called ‘negative markers’ which are: kì, kọ́, má and kò/ò. In this study, two of these
markers will be looked into.
The
discussion about the first negator, features a phono-syntactic explanation of kò in AY in comparison with how it
functions in SY. I want to state here that the negative sentence with the kò when it occurs in an environment
where it refers to first person singular or plural subject[4] in
AY is phonologically conditioned. This is because negation of this sort in the
dialect is motivated by tone assimilation. This is elicited in the data below:
(18) a. SY
AY
Tọ́pẹ́ fọ aṣọ Itọ́pẹ́ fọ aṣọ
Tọ́pẹ́
wash cloth Tọ́pẹ́ wash cloth
Tọ́pẹ́ washed cloths Tọ́pẹ́ washed cloths
b.
Tọ́pẹ́ kò fọ aṣọ
Itọ́pẹ́ ẹ́
ẹ fọ aṣọ
Tọ́pẹ́ Neg wash cloth Tọ́pẹ́ HTS Neg wash cloth
Tọ́pẹ́ did not wash cloths Tọ́pẹ́ did not wash cloths
(19) a.
Ayọ̀ ọ́ rìn lọ Ayọ̀ ọ́ rìn lọ
Ayọ̀ HTS walk go Ayọ̀ HTS walk
go
Ayọ̀ walked away Ayọ̀ walked away
b.
Ayọ̀ kò rìn lọ Ayọ̀ ọ́ ọ̀ rìn lọ
Ayọ̀ Neg walk go Ayọ̀ HTS Neg walk
go
Ayọ̀ did not walk away Ayọ̀ did not walk
away
(20) a. Ẹ̀bùn
ún fẹ́ Ẹ̀bùn ún
wá
Ẹ̀bùn HTS want Ẹ̀bùn
HTS want
Ẹ̀bùn wants Ẹ̀bùn wants
b.
Ẹ̀bùn kò fẹ́ Ẹbùn ún waá
Ẹ̀bùn Neg want Ẹ̀bùn HTS want+Neg
Ẹ̀bùn does not want Ẹ̀bùn does not want
c. ọmọ
kò gbọ́ ọmọ ọ́ gbọọ́
ọmọ Neg hear ọmọ HTS hear+Neg
ọmọ did not hear ọmọ did not hear
d. Òjó kò wá ilé Òjó aá ulé (c.f Awobuluyi 1978)
Òjó Neg come home Òjó come+Neg
home
Òjó did not come home Òjó
did not come home
In the above data, (18a), (19a) and (20a) establish the positive part of the sentences while the others are negative sentences. This is in order to clearly see the pattern of the negator in both variants of language. It becomes obvious looking at the data above that instead of kó which negates the sentences under SY, AY has its own negation being ignited by tone assimilation. This comes in two phases. Before discussing these phases, it is imperative to state here that the form of the negator here is a kind of ‘v’[5] with no surface/phonetic representation; its usage is conditioned by assimilation.
The first phase characterizes the vowel assimilation
which takes place between the last vowel of the subject and the ‘v’ or between
the first syllable of the following verb as the case may be, while the second
deals with the tone of the verb in the sentence determining the tone on the ‘v’.
If the verb bears a mid or a low tone, the ‘v’ bears the same tone too.
However, the pattern of high tone verb is very different from this in that it
usually has the negator infused in the containing verb as its first syllable. This
is shown in (20b) and the same idea is further established with (20c) and (d)
consecutively.
The
second negator is kì which is
referred to as a variant of the first (kò)
by Awobulyi (1978). According to Yusuff (2006), when kì is followed by the habitual tense marker i, this often makes up a
negative marker called habitual negator which appears like kì í in the habitual negative sentences. Whereas the idea of
habitual negative marking is formed in SY by two adjacent words, it is a
monosyllabic and mono-morphemic word in AY that serves this same purpose which
is realized as i in the dialect. This
i however, in most times, assimilates
the feature of the preceding vowel. This is shown in the following examples:
(21) SY
AY
Ọlọ́run kì í sùn
Ọlọ́ọrun ún un sùn
God Neg Asp sleep God HTS Neg
sleep
God does not sleep God does not sleep
(22) SY
AY
Ayọ̀ kì í gbọ́ àlàyé Ayọ̀ ọ́ ọ gbọ́ àlàyé
Ayọ̀ Neg Asp hear
explanation Ayọ̀
HTS Neg hear explanation
Ayọ̀ never listens Ayọ̀ never
listens (c.f Yusuff 2006)
From
(21) and (22) above, it can be inferred that AY introduces HTS before the
habitual negative marker which comes in an assimilated version of the preceding
vowel. Here we see a phono-syntactic process permeating the environment of this
type of negation. This starts with the last syllable of the subject noun
through the HTS to the negative marker. It is purely an assimilation process,
it just that this time, it happens across word boundaries in a formed negative
sentence of AY. This is in contrast with what we have in SY where we have a
simpler habitual negative structure.
Conclusion
We have tried to establish some forms of
phonological, lexical and syntactic relations in respect to the similarities
and most especially, the differences between the Standard Yoruba and Akure
Yoruba in this study.
We realized in the course of this study that the
patterning of phonological rules, though functions in the same way in both
variants of language, have some interesting areas where they differ. The same
goes for both the lexical and syntactic structures that obtain in them. All of
these are well laid out in the work.
Our contributions in form of critical views and
assertions are what we hope will solidify as a contribution to the body of
knowledge already established in all aspects touched in the work.
REFERENCES
Adeniyi, H. (2005).
‘Àwọn Ẹ̀ka-èdè Yorùbá’ in Ìlò
Èdè àti Ẹ̀dá-Èdè Yorùbá: Yorùbá Linguistics and Language Use,
Adeniyi H. and A.Ojo (eds.) Trenton: Afrca World Press, Inc.
Adetugbo, A. (1967) The Yoruba Language in Western Nigeria: Its Major
Dialect Areas. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfinance International.
Ajiboye,
O.A (1991). Àtúnyẹ̀wò Fonọ́lọ́jì Mọ̀bà, M.A Dissertation, University of
Ilorin, Nigeria.
Akinlabi, A. O, F.O
Oyebade (1986). ‘Lexical and Post-Lexical Rule Application: Vowel Deletion in
Yoruba’. Journal of West African
Languages XVII, 2:23-42
Arokoye (2008). ‘A
Survey of of Focus Construction in Owé’ in Current
Perspectives of Phono-Syntax and Dialectology, Adika, G.F, Abidemi F and
A.S Salawu (eds.), pg 120-139, Winneba, Ghana: Black Mask Ltd.
Archangeli,
D and D. Pulleyblank (1994), Grounded
Phonology, Cambridge: MIT Press.
Awobuluyi, (1967). “Vowel and Consonant Harmony in
Yoruba” Journal of African Language
Vol.6.
………..(1978).
Essentials of Yoruba Grammar, Ibadan:
Oxford University Press.
Baiyere,
B. (2004), ‘Aspect of Owe Focus Construction: A Government and Binding
Approach. MA Dissertation, Dept of Linguistics and Nigerian Languages,
University of Ilorin
Fresco
M. (1970) ‘Topics in Dialectology’: Studies
in African Linguitics, Vol 1.
Jones,
S (2006). ‘Focus in Yoruba: A semantics/Pragmatics Account’ in ZAS Papers in Linguistics 46, pg
143-160.
Ladefoged, P. (1975).
A Course in Phonetics, NewYork:
Harcourt, Brace Jovannovich Inc.
Olasope
Oyelaran (1972). Some Hackneyed Aspects of the Phonology of the Yoruba Verb
Phrase.
Oyetade, O. (2011),
‘The Yoruba Language in Diaspora: Lesson From English Language’ In Journal of Yoruba Study Association of
Nigeria. Ibadan: Hakolad Prints.
Przezdziecki, M.A
(2005). “Vowel Harmony and Coarticulation in Three Dialects of Yoruba:
Phonetics Determining Phonology”. Doctoral Dissertation, Cornell University.
Yusuff.
L.A (2006). Ojúlówó Gírámà Yorùbá,
Ibadan: Joytal Printing Press.
……… (2008). ‘Negative Adverbs in Yoruba’ in Ihafa: A Journal of African Studies,
Vol. 5, No 3
……… (2013). ‘The Structure of Yoruba’,
Department of Linguistics African and Asian Studies Class Note. University of
Lagos, Akoka.
[1]
These features are adapted
from Awobuluyi (1967:3) in his claim that SY exhibits [±Back] VH principle in
the last two syllables of mono-morphemic, non-onomatopoeic and polysyllabic
nouns.
[2]
The two epentheses here are solely my idea; they are not as expressed in
Owolabi (2004). They are used in order to present the data more explicitly.
[3] It
is noteworthy to state here that ni in
SY is realized as li in AY, there is
no distributional or semantic difference between both, the only difference
observable is at the phonetic level.
[4]
The classification of environment in which kò
functions has been done by Awobuluyi (1978) and Taiwo (2009). The one used here
is based on the work of the latter scholar.
[5]
This is adapted from Oyelaran (1972) which refers to Bamgbose’s description of
the v as a tone bearing unit found in-between the controversial non-splitting
verbs like jókòó which according to
him is realized from jó + v̀kó.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)